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Give us 5 minutes, and we'll give you the world. Around the clock, Voice of America keeps you in touch with the latest news. We bring you reports from our correspondents and interviews with newsmakers from across the world.

Give us 5 minutes, and we'll give you the world. Around the clock, Voice of America keeps you in touch with the latest news. We bring you reports from our correspondents and interviews with newsmakers from across the world.

Give us 5 minutes, and we'll give you the world. Around the clock, Voice of America keeps you in touch with the latest news. We bring you reports from our correspondents and interviews with newsmakers from across the world.

MOSCOW — A Ukrainian drone attack on a house in a Russian border village killed five people, including two children, the regional governor said Saturday. The drone hit a house in the village of Gorodishche, a tiny village in Russia's Kursk region, just a few meters from the border with Ukraine. "To our great grief, five people were killed ... including two small children. Another two members of the family are in a serious condition," Kursk governor Alexei Smirnov said in a post on Telegram. The attack was with a "copter"-style drone, he added, a small device that can be fitted to carry grenades or other explosives that are dropped over targets. Both sides have used drones, including larger self-detonating craft with ranges of up to hundreds of kilometers, extensively throughout the conflict which began in February 2022. Ukraine has stepped up its attacks on Russian territory this year, targeting both energy sites that it says fuel Russia's military, as well as towns and villages just across the border. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched a major new land offensive on Ukraine's northeastern Kharkiv region last month in what he said was an operation to create a "buffer zone" and push Ukrainian forces back to protect Russia's border Belgorod region from shelling. The Kursk region, where Saturday's attack occurred, lies further north, across from Ukraine's Sumy region, which Kyiv controls. 

Washington — American forces destroyed seven drones and a control station vehicle in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen over the past 24 hours, the U.S. military said Friday. The strikes were carried out because the drones and the vehicle "presented an imminent threat to U.S. coalition forces, and merchant vessels in the region," the U.S. Central Command said in a statement on social media platform X. The Iran-backed Houthis have been targeting vessels in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden since November 2023 in attacks they say are in solidarity with Palestinians during the Israel-Hamas war in the Gaza Strip. On Friday, Houthi military spokesperson Yahya Saree claimed responsibility for attacks on four vessels, including a "direct hit" on the Delonix tanker in the Red Sea after an operation involving a number of ballistic missiles. However, the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) said five missiles were fired on Friday in "close proximity" to this vessel, which it said reported no damage.  The Delonix was located around 277 kilometers northwest of the Houthi-controlled port of Hodeida when it was attacked, according to UKMTO, which is run by Britain's Royal Navy. The Houthis also claimed attacks on the Waler oil tanker and Johannes Maersk container ship in the Mediterranean Sea and the Ioannis bulk carrier in the Red Sea. The United States in December announced a maritime security initiative to protect Red Sea shipping from Houthi attacks, which have forced commercial vessels to divert from the route that normally carries 12% of global trade. CENTCOM said its strike on Friday was carried out "to protect freedom of navigation and make international waters safer and more secure." "This continued malign and reckless behavior by the Iranian-backed Houthis threatens regional stability and endangers the lives of mariners across the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden." The attacks have sent insurance costs spiraling for vessels transiting the Red Sea and prompted many shipping firms to take the far longer passage around the southern tip of Africa instead. 

BADINGILO and BOMA NATIONAL PARKS, South Sudan — Seen from the air, they ripple across the landscape — a river of antelope racing across the vast grasslands of South Sudan in what conservationists say is the world's largest land mammal migration. The country's first comprehensive aerial wildlife survey, released Tuesday, found about 6 million antelope. The survey over a two-week period last year in two national parks and nearby areas relied on spotters in airplanes, nearly 60,000 photos and tracking more than a hundred collared animals over about 120,000 square kilometers. The estimate from the nonprofit African Parks, which conducted the work along with the government, far surpasses other large migratory herds such as the estimated 1.36 million wildebeests surveyed last year in the Serengeti straddling Tanzania and Kenya. But they warned that the animals face a rising threat from commercial poaching in a nation rife with weapons and without strong law enforcement. "Saving the last great migration of wildlife on the planet is an incredibly important thing," said Mike Fay, a conservation scientist who led the survey. "There's so much evidence that the world's ecosystems are collapsing, the world resources are being severely degraded and it's causing gigantic disruption on the planet." The east African nation is still emerging from five years of fighting that erupted in 2013 and killed nearly 400,000 people. Elections scheduled for last year were postponed to this December, but few preparations are in place for those. Violence continues in some areas, with some 2 million people displaced and 9 million — 75% of the population — reliant on humanitarian aid, according to the United Nations. The migration is already being touted as a point of national pride by a country trying to move beyond its conflict-riddled past. Billboards of the migration recently went up in the capital of Juba, and the government has aspirations that the animals may someday be a magnet for tourists. South Sudan has six national parks and a dozen game reserves covering more than 13% of the terrain. The migration stretches from east of the Nile in Badingilo and Boma parks into neighboring Ethiopia — an area roughly the size of the U.S. state of Georgia. It includes four main antelope, the white-eared kob — of which there are some 5 million — the tiang, the Mongalla gazelle and bohor reedbuck. The survey said some animals have increased since a more limited one in 2010. But it described a "catastrophic" decline of most non-migratory species in the last 40 years, such as the hippo, elephant and warthog. Associated Press journalists flying over the stunning migration of thousands of antelope last week saw few giraffes and no elephants, lions or cheetahs. Trying to protect the animals over such a vast terrain is challenging. In recent years, new roads have increased people's access to markets, contributing to poaching. Years of flooding have meant crop failures that have left some people with little choice but to hunt for food. Some 30,000 animals were being killed each month between March and May this year, African Parks estimated. The government hasn't made a priority of protecting wildlife. Less than 1% of its budget is allocated to the wildlife ministry, which said it has few cars to move rangers around to protect animals. Those rangers say they haven't been paid a salary since October and are outgunned by poachers. South Sudan President H.E. Salva Kiir Mayardit said the country is committed to turning its wealth of wildlife into sustainable tourism. He called on the Ministry of Wildlife to prioritize training and equipping rangers to fight poaching. Matthew Kauffman, a wildlife biologist for the U.S. Geological Survey and a professor of zoology at the University of Wyoming, said the work fits a growing global effort "to map these migrations." One benefit is to be smarter when landscapes are developed to make way for these seasonal movements, he said. Villagers near the parks told AP they mostly hunted to feed their families or to barter for goods. A newly paved road between Juba and Bor — the epicenter of the illegal commercial bushmeat trade — has made it easier for trucks to carry large quantities of animals. Bor sits along the Nile, about 45 kilometers from Badingilo Park. In the dry season, animals coming closer to the town to drink are vulnerable to killing. Officials at the wildlife ministry in Bor told AP the killing of animals had doubled in the last two years. Even when those involved in the industry are caught, the consequences can be minor. A few years ago, when wildlife rangers came to arrest Lina Garang for selling animals, she said they let her go, instead telling her to conduct business more discreetly. Garang, 38, said her competition has only grown, with 15 new shops opening along her strip to buy and sell animals. Part of the challenge is that there is no national land management plan, so roads and infrastructure are built without initial discussions about where best placed. The government's also allocated an oil concession to a South African company in the middle of Badingilo that spans nearly 90% of the park. African Parks is trying to square modernizing the country with preserving the wildlife. The organization has been criticized in the past for not engaging enough with communities and taking an overly militarized approach in some of the nearly two dozen areas it manages in Africa. The group says its strategy in South Sudan is focused on community relations and aligning the benefits of wildlife and economic development. One plan is to create land conservancies that local communities would manage, with input from national authorities. African Parks has set up small hubs in several remote villages and is spreading messages of sustainable practices, such as not killing female or baby animals. Peter Alberto, undersecretary for the ministry of wildlife, conservation and tourism, said the government hopes the migration can become a point of pride, and reshape how the world thinks of South Sudan. As for tourism, that may take a while. There aren't hotels or roads to host people near the parks, and the only option is high-end trips for what one tour company official called a "high-risk" audience. There's fighting between tribes and attacks by gunmen in the area, and pilots told AP they've been shot at while flying. Will Jones, chief exploration officer for Journeys by Design, a U.K.-based tour company, charges roughly $150,000 per person for a weeklong tour in South Sudan. He said there isn't strong demand. Locals trying to protect the wildlife say it's hard to shift people's mentality. In the remote village of Otallo on the border with Ethiopia, young men have started buying motorbikes. What had been an all-day trip on foot to cross the border to sell animals now takes just five hours, allowing them to double the number of animals they take and make multiple trips. One of them, Charo Ochogi, said he'd rather be doing something else but there are few options, and he's not worried about the animals disappearing. "The kob isn't going to finish. They'll reproduce," he said.

NEW YORK — It's not just a book. Back in the 1450s, when the Bible became the first major work printed in Europe with moveable metal type, Johannes Gutenberg was a man with a plan. The German inventor decided to make the most of his new technology — the movable-type printing press — by producing an unprecedented version of the scripture for wealthy customers who could interpret Latin: leaders of the Catholic Church. Though he planned on printing 150 Bibles, increasing demand motivated him to produce 30 extra copies, which led to a total of 180. Currently known as the "Gutenberg Bibles," around 48 complete copies are preserved. None is known to be kept in private hands. Among those in the United States, a paper Bible can be seen at the Morgan Library & Museum, in New York City. Two more copies in vellum lie in the underground vaults, next to 120,000 other books. Why should anyone — religiously observant or not — feel compelled to see a Gutenberg Bible up close? Here's a look at how its printing influenced the history of books and the religious landscape. And what a 500-year-old volume can still reveal. What is a Gutenberg Bible? The term refers to each of the two-volume Bibles printed in Gutenberg's workshop around 1454. Before that, all existing Bibles were copied by hand. The process could take up to a year, said John McQuillen, associate curator at the Morgan Library. In contrast, it is believed that Gutenberg completed his work in about six months. Each Gutenberg Bible has nearly 1,300 pages and weighs around 60 pounds. It's written in Latin and printed in double columns, with 42 lines per page. Most were printed on paper. A few others on animal skin. When a Bible came off the press, only the black letters were printed. Hand decorations and bindings were added later, depending on each buyer's taste and budget. Some ornamentations were added in Germany. Others in France, Belgium or Spain. Therefore, each Gutenberg Bible is unique, McQuillen said. Why were these Bibles a turning point? Gutenberg's invention produced a massive multiplication of complete copies of biblical texts. The first impact was among scholars and learned priests who had easier access than ever before, said Richard Rex, professor of Reformation History from the University of Cambridge. "This massive multiplication even led to the wider adoption of the term 'Bible' (Biblia) to describe the book," Rex said. "Medieval authors and others do speak sometimes of 'the Bible', but more commonly of 'scripture.'" Psychologically, Rex said, the appearance of the printed text — its regularity, precision and uniformity — contributed to a tendency to resolve theological arguments by reference to the biblical text alone. Later on, the printing of Bibles in vernacular languages — especially from Luther's Bible (early 1520s) and Tyndale's New Testament (mid 1520s) onwards — affected the way that ordinary parishioners related to religion and the clergy. The limits of literacy still meant that access to the Bible was far from universal. Gradually, though, religious leaders stopped being its main interpreters. "The phenomenon of lay people questioning or interpreting the biblical text became more common from the 1520s onwards," Rex said. "Although the early Protestant Reformers, such as Luther, emphasized that they did not seek to create an interpretative 'free for all,' this was probably the predictable consequence of their appeal to 'scripture alone.'" More than a book Three times per year, a curator from the Morgan Library turns the page of the Gutenberg Bible on display. It's leaves not only tell a tale of scripture, but of those who possessed it. A few years ago, by studying its handmade initials, McQuillen was the one to figure out the origin of its decoration: a German monastery that no longer exists. Similarly, in the 2000s, a Japanese researcher found little marks on the surface of the Old Testament's paper copy. Her findings revealed that those leaves were used by Gutenberg's successors for their own edition, printed in 1462. "For as many times as the Gutenberg Bible have been looked at, it seems like every time a researcher comes in, something new can be discovered," McQuillen said. "This book has existed for 500 years. Who are the people that have touched it? How can we talk about these personal histories in addition to the greater idea of what printing technology means on a European or global scale?" he said. Among the thousands of Bibles that J. P. Morgan acquired, owners made various annotations. Individual names, birth dates, details that reflect a personal story. "A Bible is now sort of a book on the shelf," McQuillen said. "But at one point, this was a very personal object." "In a museum setting, they become art and a little bit distanced, but we try to break that distance down."

ABUJA, Nigeria — Yunusa Bawa spends a lot of time talking about the vaccine for the human papillomavirus that is responsible for nearly all cases of cervical cancer. But on most days, only two or three people allow their daughters to be vaccinated in the rural part of Nigeria where he works. The challenge in Sabo community, on the outskirts of the capital of Abuja, is the unfounded rumor that the HPV vaccine will later keep young girls from giving birth. "The rumor is too much," said Bawa, 42. As more African countries strive to administer more HPV vaccines, Bawa and other health workers tackle challenges that slow progress, particularly misinformation about the vaccine. The World Health Organization's Africa office estimates that about 25% of the population still has doubts about it — reflecting concerns seen in some other parts of the world in early campaigns for the vaccine. A common sexually transmitted virus, HPV can cause cervical cancer, certain other cancers and genital warts. In most cases, the virus doesn't cause any problems, but some infections persist and eventually lead to cancer. Across Africa, an average of 190 women died daily from cervical cancer in 2020, accounting for 23% of the deaths globally and making it the leading cancer killer among women in the WHO Africa region of 47 countries. Eighteen of the 20 countries with the highest rate of cervical cancer cases in the world are in Africa. Yet the region's HPV vaccination rate has been low. More than half of Africa's 54 nations – 28 – have introduced the vaccine in their immunization programs, but only five have reached the 90% coverage that the continent hopes to achieve by 2030. Across the region, 33% of young girls have been vaccinated with HPV. It's a stark contrast to most European countries, where both girls and boys have been receiving HPV shots. Part of why Africa has a high burden of cervical cancer is because of limited access to screening for women, said Emily Kobayashi, head of the HPV Program at the vaccines alliance Gavi. "The elimination strategy is a long game ... but we know that vaccination is the strongest pillar and one of the easiest to implement," Kobayashi said. But "it is one thing to introduce the vaccine, but if the vaccine remains in the fridge, it doesn't prevent cervical cancer," said Charles Shey Wiysonge, head of the vaccine-preventable diseases program in the WHO's Africa region. He said information must be provided by people "who are trusted, people who are close to the communities." There is a long history of vaccine hesitancy in many African countries that is sometimes linked to a lack of trust in government, as one study published in the Nature science journal in May found, giving room for conspiracy theories and misinformation from social media influencers and religious leaders. In Zimbabwe, where cervical cancer is the most frequent cancer among women, a group of mostly women known as Village Health Workers have been trained to raise awareness about cervical cancer and the HPV vaccine in rural areas. But they fight a high level of hesitancy among religious sects that discourage followers from modern medicines, asking them to rely instead on prayers and "anointed" water and stones. The women who eventually agree to be screened for cervical cancer do so in secret, said Zanele Ndlovu, one of the health workers on the outskirts of Bulawayo city. For a deeply religious country like Zimbabwe, "the spiritual leaders have so much influence that a lot of our time is taken trying to educate people about the safety of vaccines, or that they are not ungodly," Ndlovu said. There are also success stories in Africa where authorities have achieved up to a 90% vaccination rate. One example is Ethiopia, which relies heavily on religious leaders, teachers and hotline workers. In Rwanda, the first African country to implement a national HPV vaccination program in 2011, the coverage rate has reached 90%. Hesitancy is less of an issue due to vigorous awareness work that has relied on school-based campaigns and community outreach programs, said Dr. Theoneste Maniragaba, director of the cancer program at Rwanda Biomedical Center. Mozambique has deployed school-based programs, a door-to-door approach and mobile outreach for girls in hard-to-reach areas that has helped it reach 80% coverage rate with the first of two doses. In Tanzania, where the HPV vaccine has been in use since at least 2018, authorities in April launched a campaign to target over 5 million girls and further raise coverage, which has reached 79% of girls with the first dose. One of Africa's largest HPV vaccination drives targeting girls recently kicked off in Nigeria, which has procured nearly 15 million doses with the help of the U.N. children's agency. It will target girls ages 9–14 with single doses that the WHO's African immunization advisory group has said is as effective as the regular two doses. One challenge is explaining the HPV vaccination to girls ahead of the onset of sexual activity, especially in conservative societies, said Dr. Aisha Mustapha, a gynecologist in northern Kaduna state. Mustapha has been successfully treated for cervical cancer. She said the experience helps in her meetings with religious leaders and in community outreach programs in Kaduna, where she leads the Medical Women Association of Nigeria. They try to make the girls feel comfortable and understand why the vaccine is important, she said. That sometimes requires comic books and lots of singing. "The (cervical) cancer … is no respecter of any identity," she said. "The vaccine is available, it is free, it is safe and effective."

BEIRUT — After more than eight months of low-scale conflict, Israel and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah are threatening all-out war. The United States and the international community are lobbying for calm and hopeful for a diplomatic solution. They have not been successful so far and time for a political settlement could be expiring. Should war break out, Israel would face a much more formidable foe in Lebanon than it faced in Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah warned Israel last week that his group has new weapons and capabilities, and it has published surveillance drone footage taken deep inside northern Israel that showed the port of Haifa and other sites far from the Lebanon-Israel border. A look at how Hezbollah became what many call the strongest non-state force in the region. What is Hezbollah? Founded in 1982 during Lebanon's civil war, Hezbollah's initial objective was ending Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon. It achieved that in 2000. Shiite Muslim Hezbollah is part of a collection of Iranian-backed factions and governments known as the Axis of Resistance. It was the first group that Iran backed and used as a way to export its brand of political Islamism. In its early days the group attacked U.S. targets, causing Washington to designate it a terrorist organization. "Iran's support has helped Hezbollah consolidate its position as Lebanon's most powerful political actor as well as the most-equipped military actor supported by Iran in the whole of the Middle East," said Lina Khatib, the director of the SOAS Middle East Institute in London. Hezbollah fighters ambushed an Israeli patrol in 2006 and took two Israeli soldiers hostage. Hezbollah and Israel fought a monthlong war that ended in a draw but Israeli bombardment wreaked widespread destruction in southern Lebanon. Israel's objective was eliminating Hezbollah but the Lebanese group came out stronger and became a key military and political power on Israel's northern border. Domestic opponents have criticized Hezbollah for maintaining its arsenal and for coming to dominate the government. Hezbollah's reputation also suffered when it briefly seized a section of Beirut in May 2008 after the Lebanese government took measures against its private telecommunications network. Hezbollah's military capabilities have also surged, and it has played a key role in the Syrian civil war, keeping President Bashar al-Assad in power. And it has helped train Iran-backed militias in Syria and Iraq, as well as Yemen's Houthi rebels. What are Hezbollah's military capabilities? Throughout its latest conflict with Israel, Hezbollah has gradually introduced new weapons to its arsenal, especially after Israel began its ground invasion of the southern city of Rafah in Gaza in early May. While Hezbollah initially began launching Cornet anti-tank missiles and salvos of Katyusha rockets, it later started using rockets with heavy warheads, and eventually introduced explosive drones and surface-to-air missiles for the first time. Nasrallah said the drones are locally manufactured, with many at their disposal. The group notably released the two videos of footage from drones over Haifa and other sites in northern Israel, showing critical civilian and military infrastructure in a move intended to showcase new access and capabilities and deter Israeli attack. In a televised address last week, Nasrallah said that the group will continue resorting to this tactic. "We now have new weapons. But I won't say what they are," he said. "When the decision is made, they will be seen on the front lines." How does Hezbollah compare to other Iranian-backed groups? Hezbollah is the Arab world's most significant paramilitary force with a robust internal structure as well as a sizeable arsenal. Israel sees it as its most direct threat, and estimates that it has an arsenal of 150,000 rockets and missiles, including precision-guided missiles. In recent years, Hezbollah sent forces to Syria to help fellow Iranian ally President Bashar Assad against armed opposition groups. It also supported the growth of Iranian-backed militias in Iraq, Yemen and Syria. Khatib of the SOAS Middle East Institute in London likened Hezbollah to a "big brother" of fledgling Iranian-backed groups that "do not enjoy the same level of infrastructure or discipline." Hezbollah is bound to Iran by doctrine. However, its relationship with Hamas, an offshoot of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood movement, is based on pragmatism. In recent years, some Hamas officials, including its former second-in-command, Saleh al-Arouri, have since moved to Lebanon, where they have Hezbollah's protection and a presence across Lebanon's multiple Palestinian refugee camps. Arouri was killed in an Israeli drone strike in a southern Beirut suburb in January. Who Is Hassan Nasrallah? Born in 1960 into a poor Shiite family in the Beirut suburb of Bourj Hammoud and later displaced to south Lebanon, Nasrallah studied theology and joined the Amal movement, a Shiite political and paramilitary organization, before becoming one of Hezbollah's founders. He became Hezbollah's leader in 1992 after his predecessor was killed in an Israeli strike. Idolized by many for presiding over Israel's withdrawal from the south and leading the 2006 war, his image appears on billboards and on gadgets in souvenir shops in Lebanon, Syria and other countries across the Arab world. But he also faces opposition among Lebanese who accuse him of tying their country's fate to Iran. Nasrallah is also considered to be pragmatic, able to make political compromises. He has lived in hiding for years, fearing Israeli assassination, and delivers his speeches from undisclosed locations.

DEIR AL-BALAH, Gaza — Children in sandals trudge through water contaminated with sewage and scale growing mounds of garbage in Gaza's crowded tent camps for displaced families. People relieve themselves in burlap-covered pits, with nowhere nearby to wash their hands. In the stifling summer heat, Palestinians say the odor and filth surrounding them is just another inescapable reality of war — like pangs of hunger or sounds of bombing. The territory's ability to dispose of garbage, treat sewage and deliver clean water has been virtually decimated by eight brutal months of war between Israel and Hamas. This has made grim living conditions worse and raised health risks for hundreds of thousands of people deprived of adequate shelter, food and medicine, aid groups say. Hepatitis A cases are on the rise, and doctors fear that as warmer weather arrives, an outbreak of cholera is increasingly likely without dramatic changes to living conditions. The U.N., aid groups and local officials are scrambling to build latrines, repair water lines and bring desalination plants back online. COGAT, the Israeli military body coordinating humanitarian aid efforts, said it's engaging in efforts to improve the "hygiene situation." But relief can't come soon enough. "Flies are in our food," said Adel Dalloul, a 21-year-old whose family settled in a beach tent camp near the central Gaza city of Nuseirat. They wound up there after fleeing the southern city of Rafah, where they landed after leaving their northern Gaza home. "If you try to sleep, flies, insects and cockroaches are all over you." More than a million Palestinians had been living in hastily assembled tent camps in Rafah before Israel invaded in May. Since fleeing Rafah, many have taken shelter in even more crowded and unsanitary areas across southern and central Gaza that doctors describe as breeding grounds for disease — especially as temperatures regularly reach 32 degrees Celsius. "The stench in Gaza is enough to make you kind of immediately nauseous," said Sam Rose, a director at the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees. Conditions are exacting an emotional toll, too. Anwar al-Hurkali, who lives with his family in a tent camp in the central Gazan city of Deir al-Balah, said he can't sleep for fear of scorpions and rodents. He doesn't let his children leave their tent, he said, worrying they'll get sick from pollution and mosquitoes. "We cannot stand the smell of sewage," he said. "It is killing us." Basic services breakdown The U.N. estimates nearly 70% of Gaza's water and sanitation plants have been destroyed or damaged by Israel's heavy bombardment. That includes all five of the territory's wastewater treatment facilities, plus water desalination plants, sewage pumping stations, wells and reservoirs. The employees who once managed municipal water and waste systems have been displaced, and some killed, officials say. This month, an Israeli strike in Gaza City killed five government employees repairing water wells, the city said. Despite staffing shortages and damaged equipment, some desalination plants and sewage pumps are working, but they're hampered by lack of fuel, aid workers say. A U.N. assessment of two Deir al-Balah tent camps found in early June that people's daily water consumption — including drinking, washing and cooking — averaged under 2 liters, far lower than the recommended 15 liters a day. COGAT said it's coordinating with the UN to repair sewage facilities and Gaza's water system. Israel has opened three water lines "pumping millions of liters daily" into Gaza, it said. But people often wait hours in line to collect potable water from delivery trucks, hauling back to their families whatever they can carry. The scarcity means families often wash with dirty water. This week, Dalloul said, he lined up for water from a vendor. "We discovered that it was salty, polluted, and full of germs. We found worms in the water. I had been drinking from it," he said. "I had gastrointestinal problems and diarrhea, and my stomach hurts until this moment." The World Health Organization declared an outbreak of hepatitis A that, as of early June, had led to 81,700 reported cases of jaundice — a common symptom. The disease spreads primarily when uninfected people consume water or food contaminated with fecal matter. Because wastewater treatment plants have shut down, untreated sewage is seeping into the ground or being pumped into the Mediterranean Sea, where tides move north toward Israel. "If there are bad water conditions and polluted groundwater in Gaza, then this is an issue for Israel," said Rose, of the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees. "It has in the past prompted actions by Israel to try and ameliorate the situation." COGAT said it's working on "improving waste management processes" and examining proposals to establish new dumps and allow more garbage trucks into Gaza. Where can garbage go? Standing barefoot on a street in the Nuseirat refugee camp, 62-year-old Abu Shadi Afana compared the pile of garbage next to him to a "waterfall." He said trucks continue to dump rubbish even though families live in tents nearby. "There is no one to provide us with a tent, food, or drink, and on top of all of this, we live in garbage?" Afana said. Trash attracts bugs he's never seen before in Gaza — small insects that stick to his skin. When he lies down, he said, he feels like they're "eating his face." There are few other places for the garbage to go. When Israel's military took control of a 1-kilometer buffer zone along its border with Gaza, two main landfills east of the cities of Khan Younis and Gaza City became off-limits. In their absence, informal landfills have developed. Displaced Palestinians running out of areas to shelter say they've had little choice but to pitch tents near trash piles. Satellite images from Planet Labs analyzed by The Associated Press show that an informal landfill in Khan Younis that sprung up after October 7 appears to have doubled in length since January. Since the Rafah evacuation, a tent city has sprung up around the landfill, with Palestinians living between piles of garbage. Cholera fears Doctors in Gaza fear cholera may be on the horizon. "The crowded conditions, the lack of water, the heat, the poor sanitation — these are the preconditions of cholera," said Joanne Perry, a doctor working in southern Gaza with Doctors Without Borders. Most patients have illnesses or infections caused by poor sanitation, she said. Scabies, gastrointestinal illnesses and rashes are common. More than 485,000 diarrhea cases have been reported since the war's start, WHO says. "When we go to the hospital to ask for medicine for diarrhea, they tell us it is not available, and I go to buy it outside the hospital," al-Hurkali said. "But where do I get the money?" COGAT says it's coordinating delivery of vaccines and medical supplies and is in daily contact with Gaza health officials. COGAT is "unaware of any authentic, verified report of unusual illnesses other than viral illnesses," it said. With efforts stalled to broker a cease-fire between Israel and Hamas, Dalloul says he's lost hope that help is on the way. "I am 21 years old. I am supposed to start my life," he said. "Now I just live in front of the garbage." 

NOGALES, Mexico — Ana Ruiz was dismayed seeing migrants from some countries released in the United States with orders to appear in immigration court while she and other Mexicans were deported on a one-hour bus ride to the nearest border crossing. "They're giving priority to other countries," Ruiz, 35, said after a tearful phone call to family in Mexico's southern state of Chiapas at the San Juan Bosco migrant shelter. The shelter's director says it is receiving about 100 deportees a day, more than double what it saw before President Joe Biden issued an executive order that suspends asylum processing at the U.S.-Mexico border when arrests for illegal crossings reach 2,500 a day. The asylum halt, which took effect June 5 and has led to a 40% decline in arrests for illegal crossings, applies to all nationalities. But it falls hardest on those most susceptible to deportation — specifically, Mexicans and others Mexico agrees to take (Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, Venezuelans). Lack of money for charter flights, sour diplomatic ties and other operational challenges make it more difficult to deport people to many countries in Africa, Asia, Europe and South America. Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said the U.S. is working with countries around the world to try to get them to accept more of their deported citizens, citing challenges from diplomatic relations to the slowness in production of travel documents. "The reality is that it is easier to remove individuals to certain countries than other countries," he said in an interview Wednesday in Tucson, Arizona. "We do remove individuals to Senegal, we do remove individuals to Colombia, we do remove individuals to India. It can be more difficult." Mexicans accounted for 38% of border arrests in May, down from 85% in 2011 but still the highest nationality by far. The Border Patrol's Tucson sector has been the busiest corridor for illegal crossings for much of the last year. Last month, nearly three of every four arrests there were of Mexicans, helping explain why the asylum ban has had more impact in Arizona. U.S. authorities say the seven-day average of daily arrests in the Tucson sector fell below 600 this week from just under 1,200 on June 2. Border agents in Arizona have been severely tested since late 2022 by nationalities that are difficult to deport — first from Cuba and later Mauritania, Guinea and Senegal. Many cross near Lukeville, about a four-hour bus ride to a major processing center in Tucson. Many Mexicans cross illegally much closer to Tucson in Nogales, Arizona, some by climbing over a wall with ladders made from material at a seatbelt plant on the Mexican side to try to disappear into homes and businesses within seconds. Others turn themselves in to border agents to claim asylum, entering through gaps in the wall that are being filled in. On Tuesday, a group of 49 predominantly Mexican migrants were waiting for agents. Some are taken to the Border Patrol station in Nogales, where they can be held for six days if they express fear of being deported under the asylum halt and seek similar forms of protection that would allow them to remain but that have a much higher bar, such as the U.N. Convention Against Torture. Most are taken to a cluster of giant white tents near Tucson International Airport, which opened in April 2021 for unaccompanied children. It now has space for 1,000 people, including single adults and families, who sleep on foam mattresses or raised beds. On Tuesday, about a dozen people who said they feared deportation sat on benches in a cavernous room to hear instructions on the screening interview, which includes a four-hour window to call attorneys or others to prepare. They were then directed to one of 16 soundproof phone booths. The Tucson processing center didn't even conduct screenings before Biden's asylum halt. That resulted in more migrants being released with orders to appear in U.S. immigration court, a practice that has plummeted in recent weeks. The screenings by asylum officers take about 90 minutes by phone. Many migrants who fail interviews are deported to Nogales, a sprawling city in the Mexican state of Sonora, and end up at San Juan Bosco, where a giant fan in a former chapel offers relief from blistering summer heat. Francisco Loureiro, who runs the shelter in a hardscrabble hillside neighborhood, said word has gotten out among Mexicans that they will be deported if they surrender to agents to seek asylum and that more will try to avoid being captured. He said one deported migrant accepted a smuggler's offer outside the shelter Tuesday to try to sneak across undetected. Ruiz said she did not get a chance to explain to an asylum officer that she feared returning to Mexico because of cartel violence. "They were very direct, yes-or-no questions. You couldn't explain why you were afraid," she said. Mayorkas said complaints about the screening predate Biden's June order. "I have confidence in our agents and officers that they are abiding by the guidelines, that our guidelines are strong," he said. Anahi Sandoval, 30, said she tried to avoid capture after crossing the border in Nogales and was abandoned by her smuggler in the desert. She said she fled Chiapas after she and her husband, who owned a doors-and-windows business, refused to be extorted by gangs; her husband was killed and she left her daughter with a relative. "The Colombians get a pass but not the Mexicans," said Sandoval, who failed her screening interview. "It makes me angry." Araceli Martinez, 32, said she fears returning home with her 14-year-old daughter to a physically abusive husband, but no one asked her and she didn't know that she had to ask until she was on a bus to Mexico. Previously, Border Patrol agents had to ask migrants if they feared returning home. Under new rules, migrants must ask unprompted or express obvious signs of distress, such as crying. Martinez was eager to spread a message to others: "People come thinking there is asylum, but there isn't."

WELLINGTON, New Zealand — When Ngarauru Mako told her family she was calling off Christmas festivities in favor of celebrating Matariki, the Māori new year holiday that's experiencing a renaissance in New Zealand, her children didn't believe her. "We grew up with Christmas because it was just what you did, but I realized it wasn't my thing," said Mako, who is Māori, a member of New Zealand's Indigenous people. "I just decided myself to cancel Christmas, be the Grinch, and take on Matariki." Now in its third year as a nationwide public holiday in New Zealand, Matariki marks the lunar new year by the rise of the star cluster known in the Northern Hemisphere as the Pleiades. The holiday is seeing a surge in popularity, even as political debates about race in New Zealand have grown more divisive. Accompanying the holiday's rise is a tension between those embracing Indigenous language and culture, and a vocal minority who wish to see less of it. "For much of our past, since the arrival of settlers to this land, mostly out of Great Britain, we've really looked to mimic and build our identity off Great Britain," said Rangi Mātāmua, professor of Mātauranga Māori -– Māori knowledge — at Massey University and an adviser to the government on Matariki. "But I think as we've moved a number of generations on, Aotearoa New Zealand is starting to come of age in terms of our understanding of our identity," he added, using both the Māori and English names for the country. When New Zealand established the national day in 2022, it became the first nation in the world to recognize an Indigenous-minority holiday, scholars including Mātāmua believe. But many did not know what it was. Even so, 51% of people did something to mark the day, official figures show, and that number grew to 60% in 2023. Matariki falls on a different midwinter date each year based on the Māori lunar calendar; in 2024 it was officially celebrated June 28.   A 700-year-old tradition that fell out of observance in modern times — even among the 1 million Māori who make up New Zealand's population of 5 million -– the fortunes of Matariki changed over the past few decades, as Māori language, culture and traditions saw a passionate resurgence. "Māori culture has been oppressed for a long, long time. We lost our reo — our language — nearly, we nearly lost our identity," said Poropiti Rangitaawa, a musician who performed Māori songs this month at a family Matariki celebration outside of Wellington, the capital city. "But with the hope of our people, our old people, our ancestors, they have brought it up and now it's really strong." The carnival day at Wainuiomata where Rangitaawa played was one of many events New Zealanders of all ethnicities attended to mark Matariki. Some attended predawn ceremonies where steam from food is released to "feed the stars" and lists of names are read remembering the dead and those born since the last celebration. Dotted around Wellington were remembrance spots — in the back room of a church, in a garden -– where visitors displayed notes to those they had lost: a dad, an aunt, a cat. "It's only just now that I'm realizing Matariki is about the stars, and I love the fact that they've got a star for the ones we've lost in the year," said Casey Wick, attending a celebration with her family. For many, a growing knowledge of the holiday has come through their children, which is typical of New Zealand's Indigenous movement. Protests in the 1970s seeking recognition of the language gave rise to Māori language pre-schools whose first generation of graduates are fluent speakers. Every elementary school in New Zealand now recognizes Matariki, and many this month hosted shared meals for families to celebrate. Children come home singing the names of the nine Matariki stars to the tune of the Macarena. "I learn more from her about Matariki than I could ever give to her," said Liana Childs, whose daughter Akaylia, 9, recited the stars of the cluster perfectly. The family is not Māori, Childs said, but they studied the Māori seasons, which guide the planting of crops and when to hunt. "I think it's just brought us closer together as a family," she said. The political climate for Māori language and culture, however, is complicated. Words in the language are now commonplace in conversations, but Māori has its detractors, too. Matariki was established as a national day under New Zealand's previous center-left government, which urged the country to embrace Māori culture. The government, however, was often decried for doing little to address woeful economic, health and justice issues for Māori that became entrenched after New Zealand was colonized in the 19th century. A change of government last October meant a new era for Matariki. The party leading the current center-right coalition supports the day, but one of its coalition partners does not. The government has also pledged to scrap some policies recognizing Māori that were passed by its predecessors, getting rid of a Māori health agency that prioritized Indigenous New Zealanders, who die younger than people of non-Maori descent; reversing a movement to grant Māori names to government agencies, some of which have already reverted to their English titles; and halting plans for shared management of public utilities with Māori tribes. One of the governing parties has provoked a fresh debate about New Zealand's founding document, the Treaty of Waitangi -– signed between Māori tribes and the British Crown in 1840 -– with the suggestion that modern interpretations have given Māori too many rights. The rumblings about a revisited treaty have prompted protest marches. "Governments will come and governments will go," said Mātāmua, the professor. "Matariki existed before government, and it will continue to exist after the current government." Māori language and culture almost died out when earlier politicians opposed their expression, Mātāmua said, but in a nation where many are now enthusiastic about it, any government trying to curtail the celebration would learn "that perhaps trying to put this genie back in the bottle would be very, very difficult." At the Matariki celebration in Wainuiomata, Tash Simpson stood with friends at a stall that fused Māori and Kenyan crafts. "We're stronger now. Our people are more knowledgeable now," she said of political threats to Māori. "But now we know what's coming and we're ready."

boston — Top Chinese leaders will gather in Beijing next month for a key political meeting that will likely reveal details of China's attempts to boost and reform its troubled economy. The Third Plenum, originally expected to be held last autumn, will occur July 15-18. The party conclave will "examine issues related to comprehensively deepening reform and advancing Chinese modernization," according to China's state-run Xinhua News Agency. The announcement comes as China struggles to raise economic growth back to pre-pandemic levels, with consumption remaining low and troubles in the property sector persisting. Data from China's National Bureau of Statistics show that property investment fell 10.1% in the first five months of 2024 from a year ago. New home prices have also been dropping for almost a year. Meanwhile, consumption in the world's second-largest economy remains persistently weak, with retail sales increasing only 2.3% in April. Some economists predict consumer confidence in China will remain low throughout 2024. Some analysts say the significant delay in holding the key party conclave suggests a lack of consensus over how to address the long list of domestic economic challenges that China is facing. "My best guess is that the Third Plenum will propose measures to address the housing market, the restructuring or re-profiling of local government debt, and weak household consumption," Michael Pettis, an expert on the Chinese economy at Peking University, wrote in a report for business consultancy Global Source Partners. Some experts say that instead of initiating a big structural reform to the Chinese economy, Chinese authorities will focus on boosting consumer and business confidence and rolling out some fiscal reform. "The Chinese government will try to reassure foreign investors, build up confidence in the labor market, and roll out measures to tackle the fiscal crisis at the local level," said Dexter Roberts, director of China affairs at the University of Montana's Maureen and Mike Mansfield Center. Ahead of the Third Plenum, Chinese state media have been highlighting the government's efforts to boost domestic consumption. Xinhua reported that a consumer goods trade-in program the government initiated in March had triggered a rise in sales of cars and home appliances, while another report talked about Beijing's attempt to boost consumer demand in the tourism and automobile sectors. Chinese President Xi Jinping also tried to reassure investors that China will always remain "open." "We will ... form a more market-oriented, legal and international business environment," he said during a speech marking the 70th anniversary of the government's "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence," which guide China's foreign relations. Some analysts say Beijing aims to implement the policy agenda that Xi set out for China during the 20th Party Congress in October 2022. "I think the key theme is likely to be trying to [roll out] structural reforms that help China to become an industrial innovation superpower and boost productivity to combat lagging growth and increase sustainability," Neil Thomas, a fellow for Chinese politics at the New York-based Asia Society Policy Institute, told VOA by phone. Apart from the domestic challenges, China is also facing mounting economic pressure posed by foreign countries. The United States has been coordinating with some of its allies, including Japan and the Netherlands, to restrict China's access to advanced technologies, such as semiconductor chips. Meanwhile, the U.S. and European Union have both imposed tariffs on electric vehicles imported from China, while Canada is considering following suit. To cope with this pressure, China has begun to emphasize letting scientific and technological innovation drive the economy. During a major science and tech conference in Beijing on June 24, Xi said China needs to "strengthen top-level design and overall planning" and "expedite high-level sci-tech self-reliance" to help China become a leading country in science and technology by 2035. "The country must further enhance its sense of urgency and intensify its efforts in sci-tech innovation, so as to secure a leading position in sci-tech competition and future development," he said during the conference. Some experts say Xi's emphasis on science and technology innovation likely suggests the Chinese government will pour more funding into research and development, offer tax incentives for tech companies, and introduce policies during the Third Plenum aimed at fostering a robust innovation ecosystem. "This will involve creating more favorable conditions for venture capital and private equity investments and improving access to financing for startups and innovative enterprises," Lizzi Lee, a fellow on the Chinese economy at the Asia Society Policy Institute's Center for China Analysis, told VOA in a written response. Apart from doubling down on the key role of innovation, Xi said China must further centralize the power of leading scientific and technological innovation in the Chinese Communist Party. Lee said the Chinese government needs to ensure "innovation can thrive within the parameters set by the party" while fostering an environment where "bottom-up, grassroots innovations can emerge." Judging from the wide range of domestic and international challenges China faces, Thomas in New York said, one of Xi's top priorities will be to strengthen his position in the Chinese Communist Party and further enhance his leadership of the country. "I expect there'll be further institutional reforms to more deeply embed the party and Xi's leadership over the Chinese economy," he told VOA. 

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VIENTIANE, LAOS — As Beijing weaves its web of roads and railways through Southeast Asia, a massive Chinese-financed infrastructure project in Laos is quietly reshaping the region’s geopolitical landscape. The $6 billion China-Laos railway, which opened in December 2021 and will soon provide a direct route from Kunming, China, to the Gulf of Thailand through connections with previously existing rail lines in those countries, stands as a symbol of Beijing's ambitious regional expansion strategy. Initially planned with 32 stations, the railway currently boasts 10 passenger stations and 10 freight stations, with further expansion in progress. The railway is managed by the Laos-China Railway Company, a joint venture in Vientiane. Laos holds a 30% stake through the Lao National Railway State Enterprise, with Chinese state-owned enterprises, led by China State Railway Group Company Ltd., covering the remainder. Funding includes a 60% loan from Eximbank of China and 40% equity investment from each nation. Laos' $1.79 billion share includes $730 million in equity and $1.06 billion in debt, supplemented by a $480 million Eximbank of China loan and $250 million from the state budget. While the project promises economic growth for Laos, it is also part of China's strategic Belt and Road Initiative aimed at extending the country's influence. Daniele Carminati, a visiting lecturer at Bangkok’s Mahidol University International College, acknowledged the potential economic benefits of increased Chinese investment in Laos. He said that while there are opportunities for local employment and business growth near railway stations, there is also the risk of deepening dependence on China. "China will still have a major role in the operations of the railways, and this can result in political influence, even if passively. Laos could hardly take a tough stance with China because there is a lot to lose," he told VOA by email. Given Laos’ location bordering China, a tough stance would be unlikely anyway, he said. "It is sensible for Laos to 'accept its status' and try to reap the benefits accordingly," he said. The influx of Chinese investment may bring short-term gains, but the long-term consequences could entrench Laos in a cycle of debt and subservience. Grace Stanhope, a research associate in the Lowy Institute’s Indo-Pacific Development Centre told VOA, "The railway was intended to increase economic activity and facilitate cross-border exports and tourism for Laos. However, reports indicate that most of the exports on the railway to China are from Chinese companies operating in Laos, rather than Laos-owned businesses." According to Laos-China Railway Company figures, the Laos-China Railway recorded over 10,000 trains and 8.7 million passengers from January to May, a 17.5% increase over last year. Looking ahead, Laos and Thailand are preparing to initiate a trial run of a Vientiane-Bangkok railway link on July 13-14, with plans for it to become the first rail link between Thailand and China. Influence at the local level Despite regulations requiring payments in Lao kip, railway stations display prices in both kip and Chinese yuan. Vendors often accept yuan, given the high number of Chinese tourists and business travelers, said Phetsamone ‘Mone’ Vilaysack, a cashier at a small shop in the Vientiane train station. "The train and its operation are mostly run by Chinese companies, it makes sense that we should allow them to pay in yuan," Mone told VOA. A train hostess, who asked to remain anonymous, said she was unaware of the currency law but was instructed by her employer to ask for payments in kip first but accept yuan. "When customers pay, I always tell them the price in kip first. If they say they have only yuan, I allow them to use it," she said. She said that since she started working for the Laos-China Railway in early 2022, there has been a massive increase in Chinese visitors. "There are so many businessmen from China traveling by train now. I can recognize some of them. I guess they must have some big businesses in Vientiane or Bokeo," she said. "When I see them, I know they would pay in yuan." Bokeo is the one of the most controversial areas in the region. It is home to the biggest Chinese-run special economic zone in Laos and is well known as a drug trafficking center with allegations of human trafficking, forced labor, prostitution, and illegal scam rings and gambling. Jeuan, who prefers to be known by his nickname, has operated a restaurant in the Bokeo zone since 2021 but lives with his family in China, close to Laos' northernmost border. "I often use the train to cross to Laos. It’s fast and cheap. It’s not necessary for us [his family] to move to Laos. I can just invest here," he told VOA at the Vientiane station while waiting for his train to Bokeo. Jeuan said he travels to Bokeo and Vientiane up to three times a month, personally handling business paperwork with local authorities. "I can consider investing in more businesses in Bokeo, or even Thailand, if the train will go there in the future," he said. Regional influence, debt concerns Meanwhile, concerns over the railway's financial implications loom large. Financed largely through Chinese loans, the project has raised apprehensions about Laos’ mounting debt to China, estimated to be over half of Laos' external debt, exceeding 100% of its gross domestic product, according to Stanhope. Critics also say such projects could spur increasing alignment of Lao economic and political decisions with Chinese interests and that the project increases Beijing's leverage over Lao infrastructure and resources, potentially compromising Laos' sovereignty. "The main challenges, beyond technical ones, would be for China to build a credible/persuasive narrative ensuring they will not take advantage of their role while respecting the receiving countries' sovereignty, aware that the United States and allies will keep warning the region of such risks," Carminati wrote in his email. The project is part of China’s vision for the Kunming–Singapore Railway, also known as the Pan-Asia Railway, a flagship BRI project in mainland Southeast Asia. The vision includes three routes linking Kunming to Singapore via Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Malaysia. Carminati cited the potential geopolitical impact of extending the line all the way south to Malaysia and Singapore. Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore would not stop defending their national interests, he wrote, "but it is hard to deny that ... a softer stance is expected if these major infrastructure projects are to be completed, maintained, and 'exploited' in the long term."

KATHMANDU, Nepal — At least nine people, including three children, were killed after heavy monsoon rains in west Nepal triggered landslides, an official said on Saturday. Five members of a family were sleeping when their house was washed away by a landslide in Malika village in Gulmi district, about 250 kilometers west of Kathmandu, according to Dizan Bhattarai, a spokesperson for the National Disaster Rescue and Reduction Management Authority. "Bodies of all five have been recovered," Bhattarai told Reuters, adding that the family included two children. In neighboring Syangja district, one woman and her 3-year-old daughter died in a landslide that swept away their house, while in Baglung district, which borders Gulmi, two people were killed in another landslide. At least 35 people across Nepal have died in landslides, floods and lightning strikes since mid-June when annual monsoon rains started. Rains normally continue until mid-September. Landslides and flash floods are common in mostly mountainous Nepal during the monsoon season and kill hundreds of people every year. 

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DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Early, seesawing results released Saturday in Iran’s presidential election put the race between reformist Masoud Pezeshkian and hard-liner Saeed Jalili, with the lead trading between the two men while a runoff vote appeared likely. The early results, reported by Iranian state television, did not initially put either man in a position to win Friday's election outright, potentially setting the stage for a runoff election to replace the late hard-line President Ebrahim Raisi. It also did not offer any turnout figures for the race yet — a crucial component of whether Iran's electorate backs its Shiite theocracy after years of economic turmoil and mass protests. After counting more than12 million votes, Pezeshkian had more than 5 million while Jalili held 4.8 million. Another candidate, hard-line speaker of the parliament Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, had some 1.6 million votes. Shiite cleric Mostafa Pourmohammadi had more than 95,000 votes. Voters faced a choice between the three hard-line candidates and the little-known reformist Pezeshkian, a heart surgeon. As has been the case since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, women and those calling for radical change have been barred from running, while the vote itself will have no oversight from internationally recognized monitors. The voting came as wider tensions have gripped the Middle East over the Israel-Hamas war in the Gaza Strip. In April, Iran launched its first-ever direct attack on Israel over the war in Gaza, while militia groups that Tehran arms in the region — such as the Lebanese Hezbollah and Yemen’s Houthi rebels — are engaged in the fighting and have escalated their attacks. Meanwhile, Iran continues to enrich uranium at near weapons-grade levels and maintains a stockpile large enough to build — should it choose to do so — several nuclear weapons. There had been calls for a boycott, including from imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize laureate Narges Mohammadi. Mir Hossein Mousavi, one of the leaders of the 2009 Green Movement protests who remains in house arrest, also has refused to vote with his wife, his daughter said. There’s also been criticism that Pezeshkian represents just another government-approved candidate. One woman in a documentary on Pezeshkian aired by state TV said her generation was “moving toward the same level” of animosity with the government that Pezeshkian’s generation had in the 1979 revolution. Iranian law requires that a winner gets more than 50% of all votes cast. If that doesn’t happen, the race’s top two candidates will advance to a runoff a week later. There’s been only one runoff presidential election in Iran’s history: in 2005, when hard-liner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad bested former President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. The 63-year-old Raisi died in the May 19 helicopter crash that also killed the country’s foreign minister and others. He was seen as a protege of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and a potential successor. Still, many knew him for his involvement in the mass executions that Iran conducted in 1988, and for his role in the bloody crackdowns on dissent that followed protests over the death of Mahsa Amini, a young woman detained by police over allegedly improperly wearing the mandatory headscarf, or hijab. Despite the recent unrest, there was only one reported attack around the election. Gunmen opened fire on a van transporting ballot boxes in the restive southeastern province of Sistan and Baluchestan, killing two police officers and wounding others, the state-run IRNA news agency reported. The province regularly sees violence between security forces and the militant group Jaish al-Adl, as well as drug traffickers.

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